It's not a common phrase used in mainstream politics. I just stumbled over it. Today, we asked Grok for a definition, and here's what it said: Class-based internationalismmeans that the principle that workers and the working class across all countries share the same fundamental interest in opposing capitalism and should unite internationally, prioritizing class solidarity over national, ethnic, or even patriotic loyalties.
All I said to people who say, you have this tension, we didn't have any attention. All I said is, if you want to be a legislator and pass bills, it's important to have the votes to do it. It doesn't help to go online and criticize the people that you want to have because they're not as progressive as you are. She's been a star, eloquent, forceful, and the rest. And she gets along very well with Hakeem Jeffries. They have a New York connection, but I'm so glad she's here.
Hollywood [is] sort of the epicenter of the woke left. I don't think they're doing the Democratic Party any favors, the comedian said. I think if Democrats want to win elections in the future, job one, tell the celebrities to Just shut the f**k up. You're not helping. You don't strike people in most of the country as sensible or in touch with reality.'
Alex Rikleen grew up in Wayland and now lives in Acton with his wife and two children. He graduated with an education degree from Boston College in 2009 and taught history for years. On the side, Rikleen wrote about fantasy sports, covering basketball and football. He pivoted in 2016 to pursue sportswriting, and since 2020 has balanced professional writing with an adjunct teaching position at Framingham State University.
When you have a great candidate who's focused on the issues of the people and solutions for the people, along with an organized party doing year-round organizing, consistently showing up in communities, with the resources to communicate to the electorate, it produces wins, says Nikki Fried, chair of the Florida Democratic Party. This is going to be a great example of not just what happens in South Florida, but what can happen across the state.
Rep. Seth Moulton of Massachusetts made a surprising announcement last month: The moderate Democrat said he would no longer accept donations from the American Israel Public Affairs Committee (AIPAC). Spurning AIPAC was not, on its face, shocking. In the more than two years since Israel's onslaught in Gaza began, numerous members of Congress have pledged not to accept money from the lobby, all from the more progressive wing of the Democratic Party.
Van Hollen isn't pursuing Schumer's job, a source familiar told Axios, but he does want a "serious discussion on how to more effectively fight back" against President Trump. Between the lines: Van Hollen has quietly been building his national profile, and some progressives want him to run for president. Progressives say they are open to other leadership hopefuls. Talking points privately circulated by the progressive groups last week argued Van Hollen is "uniquely prepared for this moment."
"Everybody has been trying to say to her, 'Why today?' We have really focused, important work to do today,' one House Democrat who was on the floor at the time told Axios. Clark, the lawmaker explained, 'was trying to ... say [to Gluesenkamp Perez], 'You don't need to do this right now.'"
It seems like Arthur Miller's The Crucible always finds its way back into my life somehow. From first reading the play in high school to performing in it a decade ago to rolling my eyes at Aaron Sorkin's sexist misinterpretation of it, the quintessential "political play" finds new and interesting ways to once again grab my attention, faults and all. I thought of it again after the past week's exciting political developments.
The convention was held, somewhat awkwardly, at the Ronald Reagan Building in Washington, D.C., and was intended to be the first annual send-up of the Democrats' big-tent coalition. Gone are the days of choosing between a former intelligence officer and a democratic socialist; the party is now asking: Why not both? And at every panel, speakers repeated the week's key takeaway like a mantra: "Democrats don't have to agree on everything."
Mamdani and Lurie have a tremendous amount in common. Both are scions of privilege who bring little political experience to their jobs. The 34-year-old Mamdani, the progeny of a noted academic and an accomplished filmmaker, has been a state lawmaker for all of four years. Lurie, 48, grew up wealthy after his mother married Peter Haas, an heir to the Levi Strauss blue jeans dynasty. Before becoming mayor in January, Lurie had founded an anti-poverty nonprofit but had never held elected office.
Because at the end of the day, what people want they want fighters. The divide right now in our party is not ideological, nor is it age. The divide, right now, is between those who are fighting, and those who're sitting on the sidelines. I reject this idea there's plenty of older elected officials and older candidates, frankly, who are fighting.
Every pressing question about the Democrats hinges on who their next generation of leaders will be. It has taken an excruciatingly long time for them to emerge. But on Tuesday, three new candidates are getting their auditions. Abigail Spanberger is running for governor in Virginia; Mikie Sherrill is the nominee for governor in New Jersey; and Zohran Mamdani has led in polling in the race for mayor in New York City.
"It was the most painful thing I've been through since my own parents aging," she said of her up-close experiences with the former president. "Nobody wants to face incapacity." It forced Kuster to look hard at her party. Months before the fateful presidential debate that exposed Biden's frailty, Kuster, at a mere 68 years old, announced her retirement, having served in Congress for 12 years after turning a red seat reliably blue.
The election playing out on both sides of the Hudson River is something of an experiment about the Democratic Party during the second Trump era. Is the future Mamdani, a movement politician fluent in social media who commands the attention of both his faithful and his detractors? Or is it Sherrill, who has the sort of résumé and mainstream credentials that Establishment Democrats have long thought is the key to winning over voters skeptical of their party?
