#rightwing-support

#rightwing-support

Jefferson's words on equality are often seen as self-evident, yet they fail to encompass enslaved individuals, women, and other marginalized groups, revealing a significant contradiction.

Scott pre-empted gossip site TMZ, writing, 'Hey TMZ. Yes, I'm at Disney with my grandkids. Should we be in DC? Yes! But I don't get to make that decision.'

Loyalty seems to be a one-way street in Washington these days. Supporters vow to serve at the pleasure of the president, to march behind, or stand beside, a man that demands loyalty.

As far as President Trump and boots on the ground, I don't understand why the base, which they have already, they understand, wouldn't have faith in his ability to execute on this. Look at his track record of pursuing peace through strength, America First outcomes, the defense secretary began.

Justice Thomas's reference to Dred Scott during the Trump v. Barbara case serves as a stark reminder of the historical consequences of denying citizenship, suggesting that millions could be rendered stateless if the Court rules in favor of the executive order.

The US's clear military and economic dominance of the postwar world gave it an obvious claim to seniority; however, there was also a strong strain within English conservatism at the time that saw itself as Greeks in this American empire, in the words of former Tory prime minister Harold Macmillan. In other words, even if the Americans were to be the new Romans, extending their dominion over every corner of the globe, without the intellectual, cultural and political guidance of their wise old mother country they would quickly fall into ruin.

Indeed, regional "divisions" - others might say "alarm" or "outrage" - had intensified during the fall of 2025 following the US's massive military build-up in the Caribbean, its air strikes against alleged drug boats - resulting in scores of extrajudicial killings - and the threats of a US attack on Venezuela.

The Department of Homeland Security's Facebook account recently posted a recruiting notice for ICE under the banner "WE'LL HAVE OUR HOME AGAIN"-the title of a white-nationalist anthem by the Pine Tree Riots ("By blood or sweat, we'll get there yet"). The Department of Labor recently posted a video montage referencing American battle scenes under the tagline "One Homeland. One People. One Heritage. Remember who you are, American"-a slogan close to the Nazi-era Ein Volk, ein Reich, ein Führer.

The most notable, and perhaps most effective, ad of the 2024 presidential campaign featured footage of the Democratic nominee, Kamala Harris, voicing her support for gender-affirming treatment for inmates in federal prisons. "Kamala is for they/ them. President Trump is for you," the narrator concluded. The spot was a crisp, 30-second encapsulation of one of the key Republican talking points of the cycle: that "wokeness" was sweeping the nation and upending established ways of life, and that Donald Trump would fight against it.

Last year, I found myself at a milk-themed basement dance party. At the time, perhaps, I should have turned around on the dance floor: I could have found an AI-generated Robert F. Kennedy Jr. behind me, swaying while sipping a glass of the white stuff. The exclusive invite for the party featured a black-and-white portrait of a gaunt child in wartime hugging bottles of milk.

The Drug Abuse Resistance Education program ( DARE) and Mothers Against Drunk Driving ( MADD) both got their starts in the nineteen-eighties. MADD emerged as one of the greatest examples of grassroots political activism in modern America, but DARE has been judged mostly a failure. Why did one flourish while the other proved to be merely a passing fad? Duhigg argues that the answer is in the difference between "mobilizing" and "organizing."